But Dennis P. Culhane, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania, argued that policy had shifted to long-term housing long ago because short-term aid, focused on treatment, had proven unsuccessful.
“Research shows that transitional housing is the most expensive intervention and the outcomes aren’t very good,” he said. “Most people leave quickly and don’t complete the treatment.” Without long-term housing aid, he added, “even ‘graduates’ have high rates of return to homelessness.”
Buried in the 128-page plan, released late on Monday, are details that could subtly shift political power among players in the homelessness policymaking world. By demanding that the local groups, called Continuum of Cares, “cooperate with law enforcement to advance public safety,” the rules promote the enforcement of camping bans. The new plan also makes it easier for the groups to combine into statewide entities, potentially bringing independent local groups under the control of governors. And it makes a point of inviting applications from faith-based organizations.
The rules also reward groups that reduce local homelessness, though critics warned that the number of people without housing is often determined by forces outside local programs’ control, such as housing costs, health systems and inequality. Mr. Rice said that such policies could reward communities that drive away the homeless and penalize big cities with large systems to serve homeless people, many run by Democrats.
“The effect could be to shift homelessness funding away from the homeless,” he added.
Mr. Kurtz, the Cicero Institute analyst, praised the housing department for learning from last year’s setbacks and devising a plan more likely to survive legal and political challenges. It includes a footnoted section arguing that the overhaul reflects congressional intent.
“Between the lawsuit and Congress, there have been some guardrails placed on what they can do,” he said. “They’re trying to recalibrate the system with as little disruption as possible.”
